The BJP (and the Left parties)
continued to block Parliament on the 3rd day of the winter session,
continuing with its demand for a debate on FDI followed by a vote. This, in
spite of it becoming clear in the all-party meet called by the UPA, that the
numbers were with the ruling dispensation. The SP, BSP and apparently even the
TMC (proves yet again that spite, more than principles, is the credo of Mamata)
have cast their lot with the government. Yet for the BJP, the objectives of blocking
Parliament are different. It wants to prove that there are divisions within the
UPA. A vote may well prove that; but a vote could also prove that the
opposition is divided too.
I mentioned a few days back (Nov 20: Why a vote on FDI in multi-brand
retail is a wrong idea….) that in a democracy like ours, it is essential
that institutions be allowed to fulfill their constitution-mandated roles. It
is the job of the Executive to take policy decisions. It is the job of
Parliament to enact new laws and amend old ones. Yes, Parliament can take the
Executive to task and that is why there are several rules of Parliament which
allow MPs to demand a response from the Executive. But it is not for Parliament
to question the policies of the Executive. Rule 184 (debate followed by voting)
is a tool for the Executive to use to get a sense of the house if it feels the
need to do so. Rule 184 is not a tool that opposition can use to censure the
Executive as that will lead to anarchy. If the opposition is really worried
about where the ruling coalition is taking the country, it can move a
no-confidence motion.
Policies are essentially
political statements. For the UPA that believes in reforms (since at least
Rajiv Gandhi’s times), opening up the country to FDI is kosher. Since it
secured the mandate of the people on the back of such policies, it has the
backing of the majority of people in the country. These five years belong to
the UPA. It can make policies as it believes to be right. If the BJP has a
different political viewpoint (which would manifest itself in a different set
of policies), it should take this viewpoint to the people in the next elections
and win their mandate. If they get it, they would be free for the next five
years to write policies as they feel appropriate.
Then there is this bizarre debate
going on about whether Pranab Mukherjee meant “consensus” in the literal sense (EVERYONE
agrees) or in a more metaphorical way (a MAJORITY agree). Pranab is no green
horn; seldom in his four or five decades in Parliament would he have seen any
consensus of the type the BJP is now saying he meant. Given the fractured state
of Parliament, the divergence in political viewpoints and the tendency to be
opportunistic in taking stands, it is impossible to have genuine consensus.
That kind of consensus can only come during times of extreme crisis – like when
there is an attack on India. Even in such cases, it is theoretically possible
that some party may take a more nuanced stance, while generally agreeing with
the majority view. Differences in viewpoints/tonalities is what makes our
democracy strong. Differences in viewpoints/tonalities is evidence that we allow
freedom of speech in our country. Clearly when Pranab made that reference to
consensus, he didn’t expect to stitch together 100% support. What Pranab meant
was that the government would to do consultations and try to build consensus. The government did reach out to all
political parties (through the CMs) and did try to build consensus. Thereafter,
it exercised its rights as provided to it in the Constitution. Besides, it gave
the final right to the states to decide what they want to do in this matter.
How is it fair that a West Bengal, UP or MP should decide the policies for all
states?
I can bet that even if the
government allows voting, the BJP will find some other excuse to block
Parliament. There is the recent problem the party had with the appointment of
Sinha as the Chief of the CBI. Supposedly, the Lokpal Act is about to be passed
by Parliament and hence the government should have waited. If Parliament is not
allowed to function, how will the Act ever be passed? And after the Rajya Sabha
passes the Act, won’t the Lok Sabha also have to discuss it first? Given the
slate of other bills pending to be discussed and past, can one be sure that the
Act will be enacted in this session. If that doesn’t happen, it is very likely
to miss the budget session as well. It would then have to be taken up in the
monsoon session. For so long, should the CBI remain without a boss? Maybe the
BJP is comfortable with this scenario. In Gujarat, the state lived without a
Lok Ayukta for so many years too!
The UPA could have allowed voting
on FDI. But that would set a bad precedent. Given the nature of politics, every
decision of the Executive would be tested through Parliamentary approval. The
decision on NCTC – though backed by an amended UAPA immediately in the
aftermath of the 2009 Mumbai attacks – was unnecessarily scuttled. The
Executive should have just gone ahead with it. The diesel price hike would also
be voted upon in Parliament. Given the tendency of our opposition benches to
put politics over principles, it is likely that every such Executive decision
would create a “crisis”. How then would the government ever function?
The real truth is that the
it is the BJP that should be censured for blocking Parliament, not the UPA. The
UPA has made efforts to resolve the current logjam. The government cannot be
stopped from taking policy decisions. This is almost looking like a conspiracy
now. The BJP should bide its time…..and hold its horses….maybe the people will
give it another chance to rule the country.
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