There is no particular reason to write this piece today. But an article written by Sambuddha Mitra Mustafi in today’s ET “Modi & India’s Bell Curve” brings out excellently the kind of leadership a party requires to have in today’s fractured political environment. It also explains why the Manmohan Singh – Sonia Gandhi style “diarchy” is actually the smarter way to run a party; quite different from the Modi and Modi alone kind of commentary one hears from the BJP.
Mustafi starts off his
hypothesis with “More than any other time
in its democratic history, India is now ready for a dose of center-right
economics”. He then builds his argument “Think of India’s voters as a normal distribution: a bell curve with
thin margins and a bulging middle section. Modi cuts a strong wedge on the
right margin: he energizes BJP’s base, who would have voted for the party
anyway. Now from the right flank, he will have to move to the middle of the
bell curve (where most votes are), by hard-selling his development performance.
But this is a difficult manoeuvre: what endears him to voters on the right
margins also makes him undesirable to most voters who are at the center”.
Bang on!
Giving an example
from the recent US Presidential polls, he says “Mitt Romney’s rhetoric moved too far right in the US primaries last
year. He won the Republican nomination, but he could not track back enough
towards the center to beat Barack Obama”.
And then this gem of
a recommendation, “To solve this
margin-versus-center conundrum, political parties often come up with a tag
team: two leaders who address the two different constituencies. Examples
abound: Manmohan Singh and Sonia Gandhi, Atal Bihari Vajpayee and LK Advani,
George W Bush and Dick Cheney and Tony Blair and Gordon Brown. Inevitably, in
such partnerships, the centrist becomes the ceremonial top dog, while the
ideologue stays in the shadows and wields considerable power. This gives a
party a bigger range on the bell curve: it consolidates one margin, but also
pushes it towards the center of the curve”.
Fabulous analysis!
So true when he mentions Manmohan Singh and Sonia Gandhi in this context. Sonia
is a centrist (even Leftist by some reports), while Manmohan Singh would be called
an out-and-out Rightist (he opened up the economy for god’s sake!). It’s the
combination that gives the Congress the strength, not either of them taken
individually.
So true also about
Vajpayee-Advani as well. Vajpayee was the moderate, the one who “won allies and hearts” as Mustafi
writes. Without Vajpayee, there was no NDA. But it was Advani that appeased the
right winger supporters of the party. He was the chief architect of Ayodhya,
and by supporting Narendra Modi, of the post-Godhra riots, the fake encounters,
and in general, the aggressive Hindutva that his party practices. It was this duo,
rather than any one of them alone that won power for the NDA. Over a period of
time, with Vajapyee retiring, Advani has tried to move towards the center.
Mustafi writes “Advani has worked hard to
moderate his image over the years”. Narendra Modi on the other hand is the
Advani of yesteryears, the ultimate right winger. A combination of Advani and
Modi would have been the right prescription for the NDA at this time. But as
Mustafi concludes “Such has been the
hubris surrounding the elevation of Narendra Modi that hard calculation about
his winnability has been ignored by the party”. Indeed!
This piece should
also push the Congress to do some soul searching. Digvijay Singh in particular
needs to read it a few times over to understand its meaning (unless his
diatribes against the 2-power-center model is to waylay the BJP. Anything is
possible in politics!). Rahul alone is inadequate. He is a centrist-grudging
rightist (he did support FDI in multi-brand retail, but his appearances on such
subjects are few and far removed). Today’s India “wants jobs, not sops” as Mustafi writes. Rahul needs a strong
Manmohanesque right-winger (on economics). Who better than Chidambaram?
In the past, in my
dealings with hard-core Modi supporters, I have found that they would also be willing
to support Chidambaram. He’s the guy who can “get things done”, a toughie. For
those who want “decisive governance”, Chidambaram is the answer. But for the
allies, it has to be Rahul and his socialist beliefs.
To end, Mustafi
gives this wonderful simili: “If politics
was soccer, Modi is an adroit right winger who gets the home crowd on their
feet. But to score a decisive goal in 2014, the BJP needed a moderate
center-forward who could tap in Modi’s cross. By projecting their winger as their
center-forward, the BJP has scored an unfortunate own-goal.”
The real truth
is that in the complicated politics of India, there is very little room for an
aggressive, dominant, Hitlerish Narendra Modi all by himself. If he had had a
little less megalomania, he would have put his party ahead of himself and paired
up with one or more centrists. But he wants the glory all for himself. He is egged
on by the loud shouts of the “small margin” on the right of the bell curve. To
end, a Rahul-Chidambaram combination is a far better fit for India….
No comments:
Post a Comment