The DMK yesterday threatened to pull out of the UPA unless
it agreed to the DMK’s terms on Sri Lanka. Not only does the party want the
country to vote in favor of the US resolution, it also wants the Indian
government to negotiate with the US to make the resolution itself tougher. So
this is arm twisting twice over! The DMK couldn’t care two hoots about whether this is in
India’s interests or not – the chance that a similar resolution might force the
UN to look into Kashmir, or that China could get in deeper into the island
nation. All it cares for is its local politics. And for that, it is ready to
destabilize the nation.
Another story shows the SP threatening to quit supporting
the UPA (externally) because one of the UPA’s motormouths and known morons Beni
Prasad Verma attacked Mulayam. I thought politicians had tougher skins! But I
was wrong.
The main opposition party is hardly insulated from such
threats. Nitish Kumar has more or less bulldozed his way out of the NDA thanks
to a man inappropriately acronymed NaMo (why inappropriate? Because, the word
indicates humility; but the person doesn’t). The NDA is not in power, but the
reasons for Nitish’s threats to withdraw are unacceptable. The right to choose
the PM if the NDA wins should be the BJP’s. The Congress has latched onto
Nitish wooing him with meeting his demands. Again, a regional satrap is
dictating terms to the supposed “big brother”. Who’s big and who’s small is
clear!
Clearly, there is a need to rein in the regional parties. To
bring a degree of accountability to their conduct. Power tussles are part of
politics alright, but at what point do they become detrimental to even basic
governance? What is that point at which a line just has to be drawn? The line
drawn should be “by law”. In all cases, the ruling dispensation’s right to rule
for 5 years must be protected.
The anti-defection act – which controls defections of MPs
from one party to another – is a good model to follow for controlling the
scourge of the regional parties. Passed originally by the Rajiv Gandhi
government (which was lucky enough to get 401 seats), the 52nd
Constitutional amendment provided for the disqualification of MPs, under
certain circumstances, if they defected to another party. The amendment was
intended to stop members from threatening their own parties with quitting and
joining the rival grouping. Certain exemptions were provided; for example, if
more than 1/3rd of the members quit and merged with another party, members
would not be disqualified. Since this rule was considered too lax, in 2003, the
91st Constitutional amendment increased this to 2/3rds.
Has this curbed the “ayaram gayaram” culture in Indian politics? I think it
has, though loopholes do exist.
Should we not have a similar law regulating alliances, now
that we are fairly and squarely in a period where there is no escape from them?
The restrictions should apply to pre-poll and post-poll alliances; basically to
all parties who are responsible for running the government. The restrictions
must also apply to “outside supporters” since they are equally responsible for
the sustenance of the government. The objective clearly is to bring stability
to the ruling group and allow it to complete its fully 5-year term. And to protect
it from the constant threats of the so called “allies”.
There will also be a need for constitutional prescriptions
for intra-alliance working mechanisms. The All-party coordination-committee meetings
must be made mandatory with meetings fixed at regular intervals. A mechanism
similar to a “whip” must be created, so that on issues where the alliance
partners cannot agree on a unanimous
opinion, the whip ensures that the majority
opinion prevails. The definition of “majority” here is important. It has to
be kept at 75% or some such high number, since the single largest party
typically has more than 50% of the alliance’s numbers by itself. Since the
majority view is being carried, its not like democracy is being throttled or
something. An “aggrieved” party cannot quit the alliance simply because its
views were not considered. The position of the “Convener” of the alliance thus
becomes crucial and should be vested with constitutional authority.
On the one hand, I think this will ring fence the ruling alliance
from the tantrums of the regional satraps. Had this law been in place, Mamata
Banerjee would not have been able to force her hand so many times – like on
relations with Bangladesh. The DMK would not be able to do so now as well on
the Sri Lanka issue. Genuine democracy would prevail, since the DMK would have
to “convince” a majority of the others in the alliance to back its position.
On the other hand, this provision will also make life easier
for the regional parties. The DMK is doing what it is doing simply because its
opposition, the AIADMK, has upped the ante and is demanding that India vote
with the US. The AIADMK has nothing to lose; for it is not in governance at the
center. If the central government toes its line, it can claim credit for the
action. If it doesn’t, it can raise a jingoistic banner of protest. Assuming
the DMK is doing this because of local political reasons, the anti-defection
act would give it a chance to say “We tried…..but the law doesn’t allow us to
quit”. It would help them go to their people fretting and fuming against the
center, and yet the government would not come down.
The flip side of such an anti-defection act is that
government formation in the first instance would become more difficult. Today,
post-poll alliances are patched together quickly, with parties knowing that they
has enough levers in their hands to protect their interests (the main one being
to threaten to withdraw their support). In a post anti-defection law era, the
party would have to think ten times before signing up. Will this impede
government formation? Or will this lead to a solid “Common Minimum Programme” being
agreed upon before the alliances are committed? Given the poor condition of
politics right now, I think its worth a shot.
The real truth is that tantrums and arm twisting have
become the mantra of governance in today’s world of fractured verdicts.
Regional parties have become too powerful for anyone’s good. Even foreign
affairs are being trifled with; maybe one day the country’s defence and its
nuclear policy will become victims of regional chauvinism. It’s definitely time
to consider an anti-defection act for alliance partners….
No comments:
Post a Comment